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Maryland State Archives Maryland Colonization Journal Collection MSA SC 4303 msa_sc4303_scm11070-0033 Enlarge and print image (4M) |
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Maryland State Archives Maryland Colonization Journal Collection MSA SC 4303 msa_sc4303_scm11070-0033 Enlarge and print image (4M) |
| MARYLAND COLONIZATION JOURNAL. CONDUCTED BY THE COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATIONS OF THE MARYLAND STATE COLONIZATION SOCIETY, UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE MANAGERS OF THE STATE FUND. Vol. I. Baltimore, February, 1837. No. 8. When gratuitous pIease circulate. (From the Lexingtion Intelligencer.) MR. CLAY'S REMARKS At the Colonization Meeting held in Lexington, Ky. August 26, 1836, When Mr. Gurley had concluded his Address, Mr. Clay rose and said, that he came to the metting as a listener, with no prepared speech, and with no purpose of making a speech. Standing, however, in the relation he did to the gentleman who had just taken his seat, he felt it incumbent on him first, to say something of him, and next, of the great cause that had brought us together. That gentleman he hud known for many year*, us one of Hie moat seslous, persevering, ener- getic, pious and benevolent friends of the cause of Colonisationi he was one of the offic ;rs ol the National Society! and to his services in that capacity, the Tree coloured people, the Colony, und the Society were largely in- dented. He spoke of Mr, 6tllI.II as having proved, by his labours, Ins assiduity, his elo- quence in defending the cause of Colonization, and Ins general und well-known character lor Christian philanthropy, that the fullest confi- dence in Inin could not be misplaced. Having said thus much, und less be could not have said to relation to that gentleman, if he said any thing, he would proceed to the topics whose consideration had caused ths meeting. When we take a survey of our country, we find it occupied by two distinct claw s ol population—two races of men—distinct in many important respects—agreeing in few, except that they alike po*i>e**ed the gift ol reason. The amalgamation of those two race.; wu- a thing impossibh—forb d by all eon.-nl -rations of regard to cither. The caae presented difficulties long ago deeply fell and deplored. They were teen by the father* ol the republic, who, after much argument mm reflection, reaolved to du the bed they could, und depend lor the result upon Providence. Many schemes pasted in ri vi iw before them, end all were rejected as impracticable. About twenty yesi* ago, some lealous, pious, h.n vi lent men conceived the project uf Afri.an Colonization, lie recollected well the proceeding- at Washington at me organi- sation of the Society, He was invited to be present. Al first he declined; but, on further reflection, he felt disposed to think well of the plan. Among those present at the original meeting, he remembered were Eli as li. Caliiyvi.i i. ami Fntscis S, Ivtv ol the Dis- trict of Columbia, the llev. Dr. I'imey of New Jersey, and a late distinguished member of Congress from Virginia, John Randolph. of Roanoke, We met and considered the prejudices in our way, the obstacles to be re- lumed, and the objects to be accomplished: and finally organised the Society on ths prin- ciple* which it baa ever since publicly pro- fessed,and which have just been slated to tins Hireling. The success of this society ha. exceeded tlie hopes of its founders. It war not deemed possible for a Society with mere private moans lo d.i in.ne than plant tt colony, and thus demonstrate the practicability of the object. When I look back, said .Mr. C. on the twent) years during which this Society has existed, and consider what it has dole', 1 am impressed with the belief thai it is lie; work of an over- ruling Providence. It was surrounded by difficulties at Its outset, and it lias at nil times encountered opposition and misrepresentation, Recently a new school has sprung up—one which maintains that slavery Is a blessing— ilee: it is an indispensable element for las preservation of our own Ireedom! Of this school, I take the liberty to suy, I am not om. There are two extremes of opinion on this subject, in neither of which do I concur. The first is that of those who regard slavery as no ceil, but it A'1-0''- I consider slavery us u curie—a curse to the master, a wrong, u grievous wrong to the slave. In the abstract it is am. wrong; ami no possible contingency can make it right. It is condemned by uil our notions of natural justice, sud our maxima of ua'oral political equality a.nong men. Ne- cessity, a .-ii in political necessity alone, can excuse or justify it; a necessity arising from the fact, that, to give freedom lo our slaves that they might remain e it h us, would be doing them an injury rather than a benefit—would render their condition worn than it is at pn sent. That slavery was condemned by religion, lie did not suy. It was not his purpose to speak of it, except ill its political relations, That slavery was a blessing, und ought to be perpetuated as a valuable institution, was one extreme; and those who occupied it had ever been opposed to African colonization. lint there was another extreme ; und on that were to be found the advocates of immediate, un- conditional, indiscriminate emancipation, with- out regard to consequences. To this class were to be referred, directly or indirectly, much of the violence und wrong, the mobs and the outbreakitigs, which are so rife in some portions of our country, with which no friends of good order, and of the just rights ol the dill'ereiit portions of tin' Union could have nny congeniality id' feeling on this subject. These were none of) our cld-fashione.l gradual emancipationists, sucb as Franklin, Rush, and the other wise and benevolent Pennsylvanians, Who framed the sell mo for the gradual r - moral of slavery from Pennsylvania, about the time of the origin of the Federal Government, Tin y were not of that class with whom he (.Mr. C.) was proud to say he had acted in this State forty years ago, to procure the adoption of a gradual system of emancipation, on such terms ami under such regulations, as might Consist with the g iod order und highest interests of the Conimonwealih. He had heard with some surprise in the Course of the day. thai suiiie individuals, even in this community, suspect that there is soul" connection between the Colonization and Abolition Bocieties. Ho could assure the meeting that there was no cause or reason for anv such suspicion, llo had corresponded wiih a leading gentleman of the Abolition Society in New York, with whose name the reading public were familiar, who had ad dressed him on another subject, but. expressed also Ins views on slavery; (a gentleman who was honest and benevolent in Ins motives, he presumed, but deceived and infatuated,) and he (Mr. C ) had endeavoured to convince him of his error. He had p it to him the question, how the citizens of New York would endure the organization of Societies in Kentucky to regulate the tolls on the New York and Ohio Canals, lint he alluded to this correspon- dence, mainly in order to state, that this gen- tleman hud expressed a determined hostility to the scheme if African colonisation, lie thought it a design of slaveholders—and in part, this is true, lie (Mr. C.) was ready to admit that one advantage of the scheme was lis tendency, by the removal of a class, in theory freemen, but in Jut, not ran, to contribute to preserve quiet and subordination among the slave-. The removal of the free blacks would, while it conferred a vast goud on them, render the slave more docile, man- ageable and useful. It was not his object to have said so much ; but merely to express his own feelings towards the society, derived from twenty years' ex- perience ; his mi -hakim c uiucUou of the utility and benevolence of lbs colonization scheme, and of the Strong claim which it pre- sented for aid, to the state and national govern- ments. Nor could lie omit lo allude to the vast good it must confer upon Africa, by in troducimr among her people our religion. I am not, said Mr. C. a professor of religion, and, as 1 have remarked on another occasion, I regret I hat I am not, I wish 1 were, I hope that 1 shall be. The lunger I live the more sensible do I become of its utility; the more pro- foundly penetrated with us truth; the more entirely convinced, that the religion we have received from our ancestors, the religion ol Christ, is, of all religious, the best; and it alone can afford us an adequate solace in the hour of affliction. The colonization scheme affords the means, and presents the best hopes of propagating thi< religion throughout Africa. The colonization society, viewed in ull its relations and influences, dues good mid good only. It doe.- not disturb any of the hga] or politic il rights which slavery in- volves. It is voluntary in all its operations. llut if the day should arrive when the govern iiients, state or general, shall, by common consent, agree on some plan of gradual eman- cipation (and who will suy Ihat such a day may not arrive?) may not the means of ac- complishing the object be found in the plan of this society3 Or, incase of nny convulsion arising out of the condition of our coloured population, might not this scheme afford the means of relief? Say not the plan is imprac- ticable on a large scale, We have already found it difficult satisfactorily to dispose, of our surplus revenue; and a great increase of our national revenue is to bo expected: and if 100.000 emigrants can come annuully from the shores of Kuropc into the United States, without deranging our business, or employing too large u portion of our tonnage, can it be doubted that tho means of this country ure sufficient to transport not only the free, hut the .-Lives, should the states consent to their removal?—True, this society has nothing to do with slaves. Yd, some, it is true, have been manumitted, and with the consent of their owners, sent to Liberia. And who can object to the colonisation of those who are liberated voluntarily ii>r so humane ami glo- rious u purpose? Or to the influence of this society in opening an asylum, to receive and confer the greatest blessings upon such slaves as may be emancipated, by those who alone COM manumit them—their own masters—or the legislatures of the slave-holding states ? In reference to the resolution touching an application to the legislature of this state, for some portion of the surplus fund placed at its disposal by the recent act of Congress, he would beg leave to say a word. Having voted for that act, he felt disposed to leave the dis- position to tho free action of tho people ami the .-tale legislature; and yet, having origi- nated the I,and Hill, for which this act must lie regarded as a substitute, he toll it right to allude to the three great objects specified in that Bill, and to which, by tho terms of that Hill, the proceeds of the public domain were lo be applied, Education, Colonization, and Internal Improvements. Without presuming to dictate, he would suggest to tho legisla- ture the propristy and nnpurtuneo of remem- bering the e cardinal objects of such vital interest to the state. Tins fund will he ampts — at the lowest es tun ite it would be a millioii—it ought to bo a million and a half; it might, by possibility, be two millions and a half, with a right economy ill tho administration of tic Unsocial affairs ol the country, nnd il may be expected that, the amount arising from the sales of public land, will continue to be divided, either by future Land Hills or Distribution lids. Thus our state will possess ample funds for these great objects, Colonization, Education and Internal Improvements. He trusted colonisation Would come in for its duo share—as our state was among the first to express tiiv mrable opinions of this cause, I think (said Mr. C ) she should. I hope she Will, set a good example to other stutes—that her often and uniformly expressed favorable regard for the Colonisation cause, will be provsd to have been sincere, now thai she has the means broug .t within her control for giving such undoubted t.nd substantia] prools. I will not urge at present a large ap- propriation, but one which Would he const- dered liberal. All this, however, must be len- to the judgment of tho legislature—to us it belongs, from our private means, lo contribute such sums as our convenience and a sense o, duty might permit and dictate. And surely no occasion can he more proper than that wlicn we are visited by ui\ agent of the national society, who has devoted himself to the fur therancc of her patriotic and philanthropic objects ; who is prepared to defend them from misrepresentation und aspersion ; who has so ubly and eloquently, as the meeting have heard, addressed us in relation to them ; who can give all requisite information touching the scheme ond its practical progress: and ol whose acquaintance with the principles of the society its plans and operations, its needs und Capabilities for usefulness, we have had such abundant evidence. Mr. Clay, after a brief recapitulation ol some of the prominent suggestions he had made, and a renewed expression of his confi- dence in the honesty, benevolence, efficiency, capacity for good, and singleness oi' purpose of the Colonisation Society ..nd its friends, ami of the confirmed persuasion, which its whole history had forced upon Ins mind, that it is destined to triumph over all unfounded preju- dices SgaillSt it, and finally, by the blessing ol Heaven, to uchievc the great purposes of its origin, sat duwu with the applause of the meeting. (From the Colonization Herald.) A VOICE FROM AFRICA. Wc ask tlio serious attention of both friend ami foe, to the subjoined extract from tin; addreM of the editor of the Liberia Ileruld, on Ins reeent return from the United Slates. Colonizatiouists liave ever acted under the well-grounded assurance that their noble .--ys- teui conferred not only great blueings directly on both colonists and natives, and collaterally exerted a powerful influence in favour of the whole coloured race. These positions have been denied in Into by our adversaries. We therefore feel highly gratified when one so highly qualified as Mr. Tetige to arrive lit jn.-t conclusions on this important subject, Volun teers the result of Ins observations in tins country, after an absence of fourteen years, during which he bus encountered ill the pri- vations and dangers of the pilgrim Cithers ol Libelia, and stored his vigorous and discrimi- nating mind with much sound and valuable learning, solely through his own unaiiied eflbrts. Mr. Teage is no common man, ami ive deem his views on the subject worth vastly more than all the mere theories of men who, with intentions the most honest, but un- aided by the lights of experience, may, by the fierce outbreak of untenipered zeal, endanger the very existence of our happy union. 'The friends of this colony, in America and elsewhere, are watching with an intensity ol interest its advancement and progress:— indeed I may say, their progress in their bene- volent career depends almost exclusively upon a development of moral and intellectual energy, on the part of the inhabitants of this colony. There are thousands that stand aloof from the colonizing scheme, from an apprehension that proper materials cannot be found, with which to build up a separate and independent govern- ment on these shores. They cannot perceive, they say, the benevolence in assisting to a foreign hind, a people, ulio must, by insur- mountable barrier!, be for ever debarred from the enjoyment of those civil and political ad- vantages, which are the indefeasible grant id' (iod to every rational being, and which cannot be wrested from them, without the highest injustice. H is therefore of the ulinoM importance to us, to correct this mis- apprehension; to prove that we are not a whit inferior to any race of men on earth ; to evince that the conception is narrow and contracted, and founded, not upon a broad and impartial survey of the past greatness of the country whence we derive our origen, but from a pre- judicial glance at a small portion of one quar- ter of the globe, in which we have been placed, in circumstances the most disadvanta- geous possible. That knowledge is power is a truism confirmed by the high authority of scripture. Solomon says, 'u man's gift will make way for him.' It is, in fact, the grand lever that moves the world: the secret principle that maintains in harmonious opera- tinii ail Uii! fittairn of nations, ami developed resources that must for ever leiiriin seal a to ignorance. My visit to America has afforded] me much gratification, and still more instruc- tion. It has given me tlio opportunity, lor which I have long been anxious, to eotnpara the prospects of my brethren in this country ami America; to ascertain whether, after yean of toil, anxiety, a!id argument, MI friends, tin: abolitionist?, (or rather the "iiti- colonizationists, for I consider columzutuni ¦ high scheme of abolition,) have affected any thing favourable for our colour, and whether present appearance* "ml movement! would afford any ground ti>r the hope, ilmt their system of benevoienee «i!l ever ba carried into c 11' ei. 1 have I aen the more anxious for this opportunity, Iron) the tact, that tba pritr* ciplos of their scheme are auch at unsensible man will ao far haserd his character for die- crimination aa to deny. That ill->y accord with justice, cannot for a moment be doubted. I have therefore been only anxious to ascer- tain, whether, under existing circumstances, they are admissible. IJut from close attention to what was passing around mo, during my short stay in America, from conversation with many intelligent culuured persons there, and from a comparison of the present condition of the coloured people, with what it was soma fifteen or twenty years past, I am forced to the melancholy conclusion, that all the labours of abolitionists, thus far, have been spent in vain ; and that if they have effected any thing, it has been only to brighten the line of dis- tinction bi tween the whites and the blacks, and to render it more painfully visible to every discerning man of colour. Notwithstanding the causes which present the full operation of these principles are apparent at tba very lir.-t view, it is greatly to M doubted, if ihe light of the millennium is not required to remove ihem. 1'iihhc sentiment is the supremo law of a republican country, and whenever it is opposed to the minority; in any country, its every exercise will go to bury more deeply in wretchedness, iliai class against which it is arrayed. Whatever course, therefore, that lends to call into exorcise those unholy feel- ings, cannot be considered in any other light than an unhappy uiiiciuu-uoss, tending rattier lo evil than to good. Under this v.ew of the subject, 1 was not long in forming a determi- nation, and in taking a decided stand;—a de- cided, immoveable stand on the aids of onto* nidation, as the only feasible plan for the benefit of the coloured race. If it should be argued, and even admitti-d, that colunizalion is cruel, as its effects is lo expatriate, it will be contended that its cruelty is comparative : and not to be compared with that of the state in which the coloured people are placed in their native land. And until this condition is almost infinitely altered lor the better, the cruelty of colonization vanishes into the highest benevo- lence'. [ acknowledge that, hitherto, I have been in some degree undetermined" vacillating as it were between two p tints,—afraid to uct vigorously on either side, lest I should be found opposing the good of my 1 ong-aulicled race. I have wanted information; .-ucii in- formation as eould be derived only from a per- sonal observation of the condition of this coloured people, under the operation both of the aboliiioii and colonisation schemes. I have tor some years carefully noted the effect of colonisation on those that avail themselves of its offers, I have endeavored to draw aside the veil of futurity, and survey the rising prospects; uud the resu.t of my observations has been entire conlidence in the benevolent and advantageous bearing of the scheme, both on the colonists and Africa generally. 1 have thoreluro only wanted nn opportunity to wit- ness the effect of abolition labours, lo deter- mine which scheme presents tlio highest claim to the attention of the coloured man. This opportunity my visit to America afforded. So far as I could discover, nothing favourable has been effected by the labours of the aboli- tionists: not the smallest advancement made towards the object to which their labours have been directed ; not the least softening down of those feelings of repulsion and aversion, which exist on the part of the whites against the blacks, lint rather a determination on the part of the former to make the latter feel more sensibly their wretched and degrading condi- tion. The state of the coloured people in most parts of the United Slates, is wrelched in the extreme, and in those where they are most favoured by the laws, their enjoyment and even secutity of life, are held by a tenure so insecure, as to afford no ground for grata* lation. But if once you pu-li a glance at the future, a dark and portentous cloud thickens upon the sight, charged with evils, from the contemplation of which the mind of humanity turns with horror. Nothing can bo offered in apology for the existence or continuation of the causes that prevent the full operation of those principles, which every upright mind must acknowledge correct. I only observe that they do exist, and to all human appear- ance will continue to exist until there is a greater prevalence of moral feeling and prin- ciple, than we have any ground to hope fof antecedent to the millennium. The coloniza- tion scheme llien, presents the only safe and feasible plan that has yet been devised for the benetit of any portion of the African popu- lation of the United Stales. Not that 1 sup- pose colonization, as it has heretofore been carried on, a panacea for American slavery. |