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Saturday, January 26, 1924—Page 2
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MEXICO'S "UNPOPULAR" REVOLUTION—PEOPLE INDIGNANT, FOR ELECTION'S TO BE SETTLED BY ARMS.
Present State Of Affairs Resulted From Reported Support Given By
Obregon Administration To Candidacy Of General Plutarco
Elias Calles And Alleged Outrages Committed
Against Adherers Of Huerta. >
(By Nancy Hanks)
During my vacation last summer it was my privilege to visit Mexico, and it was quite possible for the casual observer to see just what was brewing in that little Republic, where a revolution is almost a daily occurrence.
Public endorsement of the supporters of the Obregon Administration in these days of revolution is lacking, for the people are said to be indignant at the decision to settle by arms electoral differences which everybody wished to see smoothed out by peaceful balloting. Influential Mexicans remind us that the present state of affairs resulted from the reported support given by Obregon Administration to the candidacy for the Presidency of Gen. Plutarco Elias Calles and the alleged outrages committed against adherents of Adolfo de la Huerta, ex-Secretary of the Treasury. Actual hostilities began, it is recalled, when General Sanchez and General Estrada, commanding important bodies of federal troops, rebelled against the Central Government and recognized as provisional head of a new government Adolfo de la Huerta, ,who had sought refuge in Vera Cruz, surrounded by many of his supporters and the majority of the Mexican Congress. The Mexico City Revista de Revistas maintains that:
Calles and de la Huerta, who are apparently devoted to the same doctrines, are separated not so much by principles as by forms, which in the art of government are of the utmost importance. Owing to his militaristic education and tendencies, Calles believes in the efficacy of iron hand methods, which, as some of our politicians have remarked, are extremely dangerous when not directed by superior brains. Calles is strong, impetuous and radical in his methods, and fails to assimilate or admit the existence of intermediate points of view. He would most likely transform Mexico into a barracks.
No less energetic, de la Huerta is superior to Calles in diplomacy and sagacity and beyond the shadow of a doubt, he is more experienced in the art of government. Being a simple citizen de la Huerta would preside over Mexico by civic methods. Not so Calles, who would either adopt the proletarian or the militaristic form of dictatorship—either) that of Lenin or Mussolini.
A caustic attack on the revolutionists is made by El Universal of Mexico City which declares that:
The people are tired of internal struggles. They want a peaceful evolution of democracy. They want to work and to live. Knowing there is no Richelieu or Sisneros among them, they are anxious to see a simple citizen, no matter who it may be, become President, as long as he offers complete security and strict adherence to the Constitution, which they consider as the rightful gain of the ten years of internal warfare. To secure this end, so simple and logical, the Mexican people fail to see why it should be necessary to destroy the little progress made in the last three years.
The Mexicans are not responsible for the present conflict, and they know it so well, that in view of the aloofness manifested by the man-in-the street, the Executive itself withdrew from the Chambers the project of law declaring for a suspension of individual guaranties. It was considered an untimely attack upon the interests of the common people.
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The apathy pervading all Mexico in these days is astounding. Reported brawls and street fights in the past few months have been strictly confined to the politicians and the few individuals who expected to get something out of the troubled situation. The large majority of the people realize that their leaders are men without preparation, devoid of all patriotic motives and the prey of the most violent passions, uppermost among which is the lust for power.
According to El Diaro of Chihuahua, the whole business may be called "a family affair" and it adds that the Executive has given "repeated proofs of neutrality in the electoral conflict," with the result that his opponents have been "forced to formulate a vague program of idealistic promises, mixed with grievances, to cover the bareness of their ambitions." ' An organ of the Conservative party, the Mexico City Excelsior, remarks:
There is nothing more fruitless than our civil wars. When they aim at radical changes in the laws, customs or liberties, some of their evils can be overlooked in view of the benefits that may be obtained. But when nothing of the sort is involved, how can we endorse them?
Therefore, we accept the label of reactionary, with which our adversaries seek to brand us, if it implies preference for a stable government, however bad it may be, rather than a revolution, however beneficent it may seem.
In reply to charges made by some newspapers that the Conservative party and the clergy sympathize with de la Huerta _and are lending financial support to the revolutionary movement, the Excelsior avers:
Charges that an agreement exists between de la Huerta and the big landowners and capitalists are totally without foundation. As everybody is well aware, capital always loses in an armed rebellion, especially so in our country where taxes and contributions are levied to pay for the forces raised by the belig-gerents..... It is therefore foolish to think that our upper classes, so badly damaged by the score of past revolutions, would risk a renewal of warfare, knowing that they, as well as the people, would be real losers.
According to El Mundo, of Mexico City, "all students of politics agree that progress in the development and upbuilding of democracy can not be obtained without changes of the parties holding the reins of government," and it adds that "in spite of the opinion held by many extremists, it can not be denied that only under the administration of the moderates has Mexico enjoyed a semblance of equilibrium." This daily goes on to express resentment over what it calls the "untimely intervention of the American Fedei'a-tion of Labor in the political controversy of our Southern neighbor, especially the endorsement of the candidacy of General Calles through speeches and telegrams issued by Samuel Gompers. The Excelsiori says acridly:
"What does Mr. Gompers know of our affairs? Does he realize that our history, our idiosyncrasies and our secret impulses are mysteries to him? All Mexico knows that Mr. Gompers once prided himself on having contributed to the overthrow of Diaz and of Huerta, but he never dared publicly announce American intervention if we did not comply with his will in a question that is the business exclusively of Mexicans."
El Universal declares that "as long as the people thought the Government sympathized with both Calles and de la Huerta, neither had any popularity," but—
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"As soon as symptoms began to appear in favor of the former, the latter became automatically the head of the opposition. History repeats itself. Federal intervention in matters pertaining to States has frequently caused irreparable disasters. Let us remember the cases of Madero, jailed in San Luis Potosi by Diaz, whom he later overthrew, and of Obregon, confined in Santiago Tlatelolco by Carranza, whom he also succeeded."
San Antonio press dispatches tell us of a manifesto issued by twenty-three members of the Mexican National Chamber of Deputies and made by Ruben Viscarra, President of the Chamber of Deputies and representative in San Antonio of .Adolfo de la Huerta. In this manifesto, the blame for causing the revolutionary outbreak is placed on President Alvaro Obregon and these dispatches relate further that:
The manifesto says it embodies the sentiments of a majority of the Chamber of Deputies. It declares that the President for many months has failed to respect the freedom of municipalities, and that "in ousting constitutional boards of Aldermen by direction of unscrupulous Governors, supported by the President, flagrant violations of the sovereignty of the States occurred."
The manifesto declares that, foreseeing the danger of armed conflict, the majority of the Chamber of Deputies appealed to all constitutional resources and protested time and again, but without avail. President Obregon, it is charged, was more interested in forwarding the cause of Gen Plutarco Elias Calles as a Presidential candidate than in the functions of government for performance of which he had been elected.
The manifesto charges that Gen. Arnulfo R. Gomez, with the protection of the President, prepared to assemble in mass the members of the Cooperatista bloc in the House of Representatives. Obregon also is charged with consenting to and ordering the arrest of Federal Legislators and constitutional Governors. These acts, the manifesto asserts, "have forged an opprobrious chain which the Mexican people will break even at the cost of its blood."
"The manifesto concludes with a
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resolution expressing accord with the proclamation of Adolfo de la Huerta, subscribed in the Port of Vera Cruz on December 7, and recognizes de la Huerta as supreme chief of the revolution."
Observing the revolution from overseas, the Manchester Guardian, "can _not even say with confidence, though one may guess what it is all about," and calls attention to the fact that there has been comparative peace in Mexico since 1921 when General Obregon gained supreme power. In the Guardian's judgment—
That is a long period in a country where politicians and generals tire of peace in the same fatal way that domestic servants, without any special reason, grow tired of a "place." The occasion for the outbreak was that there should be a Presidential election next year. There was no lack of candidates, somewhere between twenty and thirty of them being, one might say, with literal accuracy, in the field. There were two favorites, one of whom, General Calles, was the nominee of the outgoing President. In Mexico the support of the President in office is apt to exercise a decisive influence with the free and independent electorate. The partizans of the other favorite, Senor de la Huerta, have gone so far as to allege that the Presidential support really amounted to imposing on the country the President's nominee, and in the name of liberty they have whipped out their sharp swords to assure for their champion the glittering prize of the chief office of State.
Occasional telegrams speak vaguely of General Obregon as having interfered unduly with some of the State legislatures, but it is a newfound grievance, and not the sort of one that sends Mexican generals to horseback when the spoils of an election are to be won and lost. There has been little evidence of popular discontent with General Obregon, but the revolution is well in the long Mexican tradition which was only broken by the ruthless methods of the old tyrant Diaz. It is the old battle of the "Ins" and "Outs," and Mexico belongs to the order of States where the Ins hold office only until the "Outs" have guns enough to discuss the matter with them.
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The affair will be held under the auspices of the men of St. John's Church.
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BUTLER BURIED IN CEDAR HILL CEMETERY.
Funeral services for John F. Butler, seventy-three, were held from his residence, Daisy and Century avenues.
Burial was in Cedar Hill Cemetery.
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