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Federal Gazette & Baltimore Daily Advertiser 1807/07-1807/12 msa_sc3722_2_6_2-0039 Enlarge and print image (5M) |
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Federal Gazette & Baltimore Daily Advertiser 1807/07-1807/12 msa_sc3722_2_6_2-0039 Enlarge and print image (5M) |
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f' Vrom the N; no JV£ Evening Pest.
N,,v.. I protects'':iv -A crisis has at ler-.gfll
arrived, which hns united most, if not all
me* in tin- opinion, that it is a peremptory
duty of cur government, to provide for us
immediate means of protection and defence'.
These means cm obviously be but two fold,
i'. -tijiccJiopsxittda n< vy. The formerly iso-
pe^y advocated by the American Citizen, it-
Self, aud the latter is broadly hinted at. For-
tiaca-li ins, if we liad them would partially
protect cur property en shore, and therefore
we must have tWe'm : but they would do no
thinr towards prStecthtgOtir commerce, and
• no man is mat-tor ridiculous enough to sirp -
pose they Vfofsld enable us to averse wrongs
and insults committed on us by any fo-
reign "power wbatftyer. We must there;
fore have a navy "also. It is on a navy alone
that (jtecan place any reliance for protecting
our ci,• fi-vdefending the right:; of
neutrality, atid for maintaining our national
tovereigjhnaty. ¦'¦ .
On this point permit me !n present a few
extracts fr'ctrh our own Publlus; a writer
•whose sentiments must always command
respect wherever they are read, and which,
at this particular period, are entitled to our
whole attention. .
" A further r< soiree for influencing the
conduct of European nations tow aids us in
this respect, would arise jfrom the establish-
ment of a navy. There can be no doubt
he continuance of the union under an
nt .¦¦¦o.err.meut, would put it .in our
power, at a period not very distant) tocre-
ate a navy, which, if it could not Ae witli
those of the jreat maritime powers, would-
at least be' of respectable Weight, if thro'-n
into the scale of either of the two parlies-
This ould be more particularly the case.
in relation to operation, i 1 the ^ esl I 1 lii s.
A fe - -ships of the line sent oportunely to
the reinforcement of either side, wouldof-
t'en be sufficient to decide the fate of the
campaign, on the event of which,interests
of the greatest magnitude were suspended.
Our position is, in this respect, a very
commanding one. —And if to this conside-
. ration we add that of usefulness of supplies
from this country, in the pr -sedition of mi-
litary operations in the West-Indies, it will
readily be perceived, that a situation so fa-
vorablej, would enable us to bargain with
great advantage for commercial priviledges.
A price •mould be set not only on cur friend
ship but on our neutrality."
On the supposition however, that the
American people should want wisdom thus
toaya.il themselves of their resources, their
power and their situation tha writer pro-
ceeds thus—prophetically !
. " In a state so insignificant, our com-
merce would he a prey to the wanton inter
in.-dlings of all nations at war with each o
titer-} who having nothing to fear from us,
would with little scruple or remorse, supply
their wants by depredations on our property
as often as it It'll in their way. The rights
of neutrality ivill'only be respected -when they
are defended by on adequate power, A nati-
-. on despicable by its tec kness, forfeits even the
privilege 'of IttfXf qeutrql.'*
Under a vigorous natewal government,
thi 1 atur»L strength and rstouroes ol trie
country, directed to a common interest
would baffle all the combinations of European
jealousy to restrain- our growth. This situ
a^iun would even take away the motive to
-..such c. mbinations, by inducing an im-
practicability of success-----An active com
merce, an extensivenavigation, a flourishing
marine would then be the inevitable off-
spring of moral and physical necessity
We might defy the little arts oi litiie politi-
cian's' to coiltroul or vaiy the irresistableand
unchangeable course of nature.
" But,': [without such means to make
ourselves respected] " it would be in the
power of the maritime nation.; availing them
selves of our universal impotence, to pre
scribe the conditions of our political exist-
ence ,- and as they have a common interest
Sh being our carriers, and still more in pre
¦ venting us from becoming theirs, they would
in all probability, combine to embarrasss 0111
navigation in such a manner, as would in ef-.
fecttlestroy it, and confine us to a pas ive
commerce.—V.'e should thus be comp lied to
content ourselves with the' first price of our
commodities, and to see the profits of our
trade snatched from ni, to enrich our perse-
cutors. That unequalled spirit of enterprise,
which signalizes the genius of the American
merchants and navigators, and which is, in
itself an inexhaustible mine of national
wealth, would be stifled and lost ; and pov-
erty.and disgrace would overspread a coun-
tr ,-which, with wisdom, might make her-
self the admiration &theenvy of the world."
" The necessity of naval,protection to ex
ternal or maiitiine, commerce, and the con-
duciveness of that species of commerce to
the prosperity of a navy, are points too ma
nifest to require elucidation. They, by a
kind of reaction; mutually beneficial, pro-
mote each other."
Thus wrote the Great Alexander Hamil-
ton, when recemmtnding'the adoption of the
Federal Constitution to his fellow-citizens.
But, it is possible that this paper may fall
into the hands of some who have not yet
ceased to regard with a jealous eye, the sen-
timents of this departed patriot, and I there-
will now, in aid of my aurpose, cifer to
their particular attention-the following ex-
tracts from .one whom they have been in the
habit of respecting— Thomas Paine.
They are taken from one of those celebra-
ted papers of his, entitled " Common
Sense;".which tho' not untinctured with a
considerable share cf sophistry, possess no
ordinary merit either as foiciWe and ingeni
ens discussions, or beautiful pieces of (im-
position. Let us then shew Thomas Paine
the courtesy to forget some things that
liave fallen from his pen in old age, and go
ba,ek to his prime cf life, when he advoca
ted the car.se of America in seventy six.
la the purpose of persuading us to build a
Navy then,- thus he wrote :
" The debt we may contract doth not de.
S rve cur regard, if the work be but accom-
plished. No in kautxlebi
—a nc-H'opal '-'< ¦''•' is a national bond, and
?.hen it bears no interest is in no ease a
- grievance, Biitafivj* oppressed with-a debt
. Of 1£0,003,CQ.O Stevliig. tW Which she pays
Upwards of 4,OO6;0OG interest, fit -a. com-
pensation for her debt, she has a large navy ;%
America is without a debt, and without a
navy ; yet foe the twentieth part- of the
English national debt; could have a navy as
large again,"
<« No country on the globe is so happily
situated, or so internally capable of raising
a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron and
cordage are her natural produce. We need
go abroad fornoth'ing. Whereas'the Dutch,
who make large profits by hiring out their '
ships of war to the Spaniards & Portuguese,
are obliged to import most of the materials
they use. We ought to view ths building a
fleet as an article of commerce, it being the
natural manufactory of this country. It is
the best money -use can lay out. A Navy, ivken
finished, is •worth more than it cost; and is
thru' nice point in notional oo/iey, in vfftieh
commerce and flfotectipit are united."
" Ship-building is America's greatest pride)
and in which she will, in time, excel the
whole world,"
" L. iioint of safety, ought we to be with-
out a fleet ? We arc* not the people now,
which we were sixty years ago : at {hat
time we might have trusted our property in
the streets, or fields rather, and slept securely
without locks or bolts to our doors or win-
dows. The case is now altered, and our
methods of defence ought to improve with
our increase of property. A common pirate,
twelve month's ago, might-have come up the
Delaware, and laid, the city of Philadelphia
under instant contribution for what sum he
pleased, and the same might have happened
to other places. Nay, any daring fellow
;n a brig of fourteen or sixteen guns,
it ha e robbed the whole continent and
can ied off half a million of money. These
are circumstances which demand our atten-
tion, and point out the necessity of naval
protection."
I cannot conceal the pleasure I feel, in
being able to answer, by the pen of the same
wri cr, the principal obj-ction which the
enemies of a navy, in and out of congress,
urge against it. They tell us that it is vain
and ridiculous for us to attempt to build as
large a navy as that of Great-Britain, and
that to build a smaller one is only to pro-
vide prizes for her navy to capture. On
this subject Mr. Dunne, the great enemy of
" disguised tories," often talketh learnedly.
I et us hear Mr. Paine in reply to the same
objection, made in 1776 :
•'From a mixture of prejudice and inat-
tention, we have contracted a false notion
respecting the navy of England, and have
talked as if we should have the whole to
encounter at once, and for that reason sup-
posed that we must have one as large ;
which not being instantly practicable; it has
been made use of by a set ot disguised tores
to discourage our beginning thereon. No-
thing can be further from truth than this ;
for if America had only the twentieth part
of the naval force of Britain, she would be
far an overmatch for her, because, as we
neither hare, nor claim any foreign domini-
on, our whole force would be employed on
our c wmcoast, where we should, in the
long run, have two to one the advantage of
those who had three or four thousand miles
to gall before they could attack us, and the
jiu: di»ran°ce to return in order to refit and
recruit. And although Britain by her fleet
hath a check over our trade to Europe, we
have as large a one over her trade to the
West-Indies, which by lying in the neigh,
borhood of the comment, is entirely at its
meicy.
" To unite the sinews of Commerce and
defence is sound policy ; for when our strength
and our riches play into each others hand, wc
need fear no external enemy "
We have only time and room to add thai
we cannot but hope, that a nearer view of
things will now unite all parties in pressing
government to provide us with that species
of protection which has always been viewed
by every unprejudiced and dispassionate
statesman in our country as in all respect s
the most iit and the most efficient.
Rom the Norfolk Herald.
When a man is either conscious of doing a
wrong, or is in want of argument to defend
himself he generally flies to invective, and
expects to make his opponent either desist or
fight—the people will, perhaps do neither
—they wiil continue to examine-the con-
duct of their public servants, -and if they
meet with any self-appointed'ones, they will
not be prevented by the Billingsgate of their
language from saluting them with merited
censure.
Let us inquire whath as been the conduct
of Mr. Tazevt ell on the late transactions.
When the court met to hear the letter of
captain Douglas, and to answer it, Mi- T.
who was not a member of the court, addressed
the court, and from the tenor of his address,
and his well known ability, he was desired
to answer it; he did so and be was deputed
to carry his own answer. Several persons
expressed a wish to accompany him, but the
court expressly disapproved of this. Mr. T.
waited on the committee by their request,
and on their leaving the committee room
took cceasion to declare that he did not, nor
would not act under that body, and that he
did not acknowledge their authority. Let
it be remembered, that these persons were
appointed in the late emergency by the peo-
ple to prevent all communication with the
British ships, and were of course the only
persons priviledged to regulate messages
that might be unavoidable, notwithstanding
the prohibition.
After this Mr. T. proceeded on board the
Bcllona, and contrary to the directions of
the Mayor, carried Mr. Taylor with him.
Arrived at the ships, how did Mr. T.
behave ? Did he carry with him the lire of
the American breast indignant at the wrongs
it had'sustained ? Did he represent an injur,
ed people half mad with the outrage on our
honor and the murder of our men ? Did he
represent in 'any way the spirit of retaliation
that burnt within us ? Did, he spurn their
pi offered Iriendship and their insidious ci-
vility ? no ! 110 ! we blush to record, that
he sat at the sarre board, eat of the," same
bread drank of the.-san e cup, and sullied
the holy communion of hospitality by ad-
mitting assassination and murder to its re-
verential rites—Mr.Tazewellmighthavetum
edto Humphries who was near him and cried
<¦• Villain" with truth, but as he did not,
let him bow in submission to the maternal
hand of the "PEOPLE" that now corrects
their misled, misguided, we Itope not guil-
ty, Child. -
Mr. T. on hi- return, instead of commu-
nicating with us in any public way whate-
ver, sits down and pens an account to the
president of the United States, and the go-
vernor of the stale, and ends the whole bu-
siness by a complete overthrow of the court,
the committee, and the people. Assuming
10 himself all responsibility, all power, he
writes the letter, carries it, brings no answer,
answers it himself, and sends just such an
opinion to the executive as suits his own
opinion and his own views, and this is to
pass as the public sentiment, while he stands
like the God of our.river with one foot on
Portsmouth and the other on-Norfolk, and
we Lilliputians peep at each other (trough
his magisterial ll-gs. The people have not
been called on to disavow these proceedings
of Mr. T. because we are all fearful of dis
cord and tumult, and because the general
sentiment of this part of the country will
reach the president also, and have perhaps
more weight than any private communica-
tions, and because the lekter of captain
Douglas and his, and Mr. T's construction
of it are so evidently in contradiction, that
he will wonder at the child's play of our
able negociators ; and ask of his friends
how |