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Maryland State Archives Maryland Colonization Journal Collection MSA SC 4303 msa_sc4303_scm11070-0103 Enlarge and print image (5M) |
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Maryland State Archives Maryland Colonization Journal Collection MSA SC 4303 msa_sc4303_scm11070-0103 Enlarge and print image (5M) |
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MARYLAND COLONIZATION JOURNAL.
107
be false in our allegiance to it, if we did not dis-
criminate between the imaginary and real dangers
by which it may be assailed. Abolition sh"ultf no
longer be regarded as an imaginary danger. The
abolitionists, let me suppose, succeed in their
present aim of uniting the inhabitants of the free
utates as one man, against the inhabitants of the
slave states. Union on the one side will beget
union on the other. And this process of reciprocal
consolidation will be attended with all the violent
prejudices, embittered passions, and implacable
animosities which ever degraded or deformed hu-
man nature. A virtual dissolution of the Union
will have taken place, whilst the forms of its
existence remain. The most valuable element of
union, mutual kindness, the feelings of sympathy,
the fraternal bonds, which now happily unite us,
will have been extinguished forever. One section
will stand in menacing and hostile array against
the other. The collision of opinion will be quickly
followed by the clash of arms. I will not attempt
to describe scenes which now happily lie con-
cealed from our view. Abolitionist! themselves
would shrink back in dismay and honor at the
contemplation of desolated Held*, conflagrated
cities, murdered inhabitants, and the overthrow
of the fairest fabric of human government that
ever rose to animate the hones of civilized man.
Nor should these abolitionists Hatter themselves
that, if they can succeed in their object of Uniting
the people Of the free states, they will enter the
contest with a numerical superiority that must
insure victory. All history and experience proves
the hazard and uncertainty of war. And we are
admonished by Holy Writ that the race is not to
the Swift, nor the battle to the strong. Ilut if they
were to conquer, whom would they conquer? A
foreign foe —one who hail insulted our flag, invaded
our shores, and laid our country waste? No, sir;
no. sir. It would be a conquest without laurels,
without glory—a self, a suicidal conquest—a con-
quest of brothers over brothers, achieved by one
over another portion of the descendants of com-
mon ancestors, who, nobly pledging their lives,
their fortunes, and their sacred honour, had fought
and bled, side by side, in many a hard battle on
land and ocean, severed our country from the
British crown, and established our national inde-
pendence.
The inhabitants of the slave states are some-
times accused by their northern brethren with
displaying too much rashness and sensibility to
the operations and proceedings of abolitionists.
But, before they can be rightly judged, there
should he a reversal of conditions. Let me sup-
pose that the people of the slave states were to
form societies, subsidize presses, make large pe-
cuniary contributions, send Ibrth numerous mis-
sionaries throughout all their own borders, and
enter into machinations to burn the beautiful capi-
tals,destroy the productive manufactories, and sink
in the ocean the gallant ships ol the northern states.
Would these incendiary proceedings be regarded
as neighbourly and friendly, and consistent with
the fraternal sentiments which should ever be
cherished by one portion of the Union towards
another? Would they excite no emotion? Oc-
casion no manifestation of dissatisfaction, nor lead
to any acts of retaliatory violence? Hut the sup-
posed case falls far short of the actual one in a
most essential circumstance. In no contingency
could these capitals, manufactories and ships rise
in rebellion and massacre inhabitants of the north-
ern states.
I am, Mr. President, no friend of slavery. The
searcher of all hearts knows that every pulsation
•of mine beats high and strong in the cause of civil
liberty. Wherever it is safe ami practicable, I
desire to see every portion of the human family
in the enjoyment of it. But I prefer the liberty
of my own country to that of any other people;
and the liberty of' my own race to that of any
•other race. The liberty of the descendants of
Africa in the United States is incompatible wilh
the safety and liberty of the European descendants.
Their slavery forms an exception—an exception
resulting from a stern and inexorable necessity —
to the general liberty in the United States. We
did not originate, nor are we responsible for, this
necessity. Their liberty, if it were possible, coidd
only he established by violating th" incontestibls
powers of the states, anil subverting the Union.
And beneath the ruins of the Union would be
buried, sooner or later, the liberty of both races.
But if one dark spot exists on our political hori-
zon, is it not obscured by tin' bright and effulgent
and cheering light that beatas all around us? Was
ever a people before so bb'ssed as we are, if true
to ourselves? Did ever any other nation contain
within its bosom so many elements of prosperity,
of greatness, and of glory ? Our only real danger
lies ahead, conspicuous, elevated, and visible, it
was clerly discerned at the commencement, and
distinctly seen throughout our whole career. Shall
we wantonly run upon it. and destroy all the
glorious anticipations of the high destiny that
awaits us1 1 beseech the abolitionists themselves
solemnly to pause in their mail and fetal couise.
Amidst the infinite variety of objects of humanity
and benevolence which invite the employment of
their energies, let them select some one more
harmless, that does not threaten to deluge our
country in blood. I call upon that small portion
of the'clergy, which has lent itself to these wild
and ruinous schemes, not to forget the holy nature
of the divine mission of the Founder of our religion,
and to profit by his peaceful examples. 1 entreat
that portion of my countrywomen who have given
their countenance to abolition, to remember that
they arc ever most loved and honoured when
moving in their own appropriate and delightful
sphere; and to reflect that the ink which they
shed in subscribing with their lair hands abolition
petitions may prove but the prelude to the shed-
ding of the blood of their brethren. I adjure all
the inhabitants of the free states to rebuke and
discountenance, by their opinion and their exam-
ple, measures which must inevitably lead to the
most calamitous consequences. And let us all, as
countrymen, as friends, and as brothers, cherish
in unfading memory the motto which bore our
ancestors triumphantly through all the trials of the
revolution, as, if adhered to, it will conduct their
posterity through all that may, in the dispensa-
tions of Providence, be reserved for them.
(From thu Baltimore American )
Maryland State Colonization Society—Cape
Palmas Packet.
At the last annual meeting of this society, held
at Annapolis, a resolution was adopted, eloquently
urged hy Judge Chambers, requesting the board
of managers to use their best endeavours to pro-
cure the funds necessary to build a packet to sail
between this state and Maryland in Liberia, and
to be owned by the society.
In pursuance of this resolution, the board of
managers have taken the subject in hand, and
propose calling upon the citizens to aid them in
accomplishing it.
All accounts heretofore received from the Mary-
land colony, represent it to be in a prosperous and
healthy condition. It is the largest missionary
establishment on the west coast of Africa. It is
gradually and steadily improving; and it is be-
lieved that the time is not remote when the ad-
vantages that it offers to the coloured people of the
state will be fully appreciated by them. Nothing
can be more certain to bring this state of feeling
about, than ease and frequency of intercourse
between Maryland and Maryland in Liberia—to
promote which will be the main object of the
Cape I'almas packet.
The State Colonization Society of Louisiana
and Mississippi own the hrisr Mail, which trades
between New Orleans and Mississippi in Africa.
The New York and Pennsylvania societies have
recently purchased the ship Saluda, mainly through
the contributions of one benevolent individual
(Judge Wilkinson,)—lor the purpose of estab-
lishing an easier and more frequent intercourse
with their colony at Bassa, and it is now proposed
that the Maryland society shall likewise own the
vessel that takes their emigrants to Cape I'almas.
There is no ineasnre of more importance to
them than that which the society now have in
band; and we earnestly hope that our fellow
citizens will respond so liberally to the call about
to be made that the Cape Palmas packet may take
out the fall expedition ol emigrants to Maryland
in Liberia.
In the earlier period of the colonization cause,
it derived its principal support from the people 0f
Baltimore. The greater part of the funds that
fitted out the first expedition were obtained here.
The state of Maryland was the first that ever
appropriated money to the cause. The feeling of
the people of the state generally has always been
in its favour, and we trust that on this occasion it
will be shown that it is unchanged.
COLONIZATION JOURNAL.
FRIDAY, March 1, 1839.
All comunications intended for the Maryland
Colonization Journal, or on business of the Society,
should be addressed to the Rev. Ira. A. Easter, Home
Agent, Colonization Rooms, Post Office Building.
At a late meeting of the Board of Managers of
the Maryland State Colonization Society the sub-
ject of building a packet to trade between this
city and the Maryland colony was discussed with
peculiar interest, and measures adopted for the
immediate accomplishment of the object. Hither-
to the time of the agents has been so exclusive-
ly occupied in canvassing the state, collecting
emigrants and preparing for two expeditions an-
nually, that no time was left for the procurement
of funds, of sufficient amount to purchase a vessel.
It is believed that public sentiment in Maryland
was prepared more than a year since to insure the
requisite funds for the purpose, had the object
been commenced in earnest. All that was needed
was the exclusive and undivided attention of the
agents of the society to insure success. Other
interests, however, demanded, and received their
attention; interests which the Board of Managers
then regarded paramount, even to the purchase of
a vessel.
The speech of the Hon. Judge Chambers before
the annual meeting at Annapolis, in connection
with the deep interest manifested by the members
of the legislature, have furnished a powerful mo-
tive to the board, to enter at once and wilhout
delay on the work ol soliciting contributions from
their fellow-citizens of the city of Baltimore;
while Mr. Kennard will proceed to Annapolis to
secure the active co-operation of the friends of
the cause in that city.
To secure the undivided attention of the agents,
the board have determined that no spring expedi-
tion shall be sent to their colony this year ; in-
tending if practicable to send a larger fall expedi-
tion than usual, and to prepare their packet to
take out the emigrants. Judging from the unpre-
cedented success id'the society's agent, in collect-
ing funds in this city, for the general purposes
of colonization, we might venture to predict a
correspondent liberality among the wealthy citi-
zens towards this popular measure. The Board
of Managers have done nobly in resolving to call
personally on the citizens with a view to obtain
their contributions. Knergy and perseverance on
their part, in connection with the labours of their
agents in other portions of the state, it is not chi-
merical to predict that the next expedition will
be sent out in the society's packet.
This subject is too well understood and appre-
ciated to need our commendation. The whole
state is fully alive to its vast importance. Every
citizen, we doubt not, stands prepared to contri-
bute of his substance to give energy and success
lo this most popular and benevolent enterprise.
It is gratifying to learn that about fifteen hundred
dollars have been already obtained with very little
effort and that the contributions were cheerfully
made by a few liberal individuals. Thus has an
object long contemplated, commenced under the
most flattering auspices.
measures must be offered as would at once consult
the safety of the master, and secure the future
welfare of the slave—for it is a position most
gladly conceded, alter an extensive personal ac-
quaintance with the south, that a wide spread
sympathy for the happiness of the slave does
prevail.
What, then, were the most beneficial and prac-
ticable measures that could be suggested? An
emancipation on the soil. Here the Iriend of the
negro was met, in limine, with the difficulty, that
the laws of nearly all the slave-holding states,
denied that privilege, under the severe penalty of
being sold into a bondage far worse than when
held by hereditary possession, which the exercise
of benevolent feelings had voluntary severed. If
he asked for leave to permit the enfranchised to
remain, all agreed in the melancholy fact, that so
long as surrounded by a slave population, the
frecdinen would, with few exceptions, be found to
have deteriorated in morals, and not to have
increased in physical comfort by emancipation.
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