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Maryland State Archives Maryland Colonization Journal Collection MSA SC 4303 msa_sc4303_scm11070-0109 Enlarge and print image (5M) |
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Maryland State Archives Maryland Colonization Journal Collection MSA SC 4303 msa_sc4303_scm11070-0109 Enlarge and print image (5M) |
| MARYLAND COLONIZATION JOURNAL. CONDUCTED BY THE COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATIONS OF THE MARYLAND STATE COLONIZATION SOCIETY, UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE MANAGERS OF THE STATE FUND. Vol. I. Baltimore, May, 1839. No. 28. When gratuitous pleaae circulate. An Address Delivered to the Colonization Society of Kentucky, at Frankfort, December 17, 1829, by the Hon. Henry Clay, at the request of the Hoard of Managers. Gentlemen of the Col. Society of Kentucky: I most sincerely wish that the task of address- ing von, on this occasion, had been assigned, by the board of Managers, to some individual more competent than I am to explain and illustrate and enforce the claims of the Society to the friendly and favorable consideration of the public. I yield to none in a thorough persuasion of the utility of the scheme of the Society, in a profound convic- tion of its practicability, ami in an ardent desire for its complete success. But I am sensible that there are many others who could more happily thin I can, throw around the subject those em- bellishments which are best calculated to secure attention, and engage the cordial and energetic Co-operation of the community. When the ap- plication was first made to me to deliver this address, I hesitated to comply with it, because I ap- prehended that rny motives would be misconceiv- ed, and my language be misrepresented. Subse- quent reflection determined me to adhere to the maxim of rny whole life, to endeavour to render all the good in my power, without being restrained by the misconceptions to which I might expose myself. In entering upon the duty which has devolved upon me, 1 ask only the exercise of or- dinary liberality in judging the imperfections which will doubtless mark its performance. In surveying the United States of North Ame- rica and their territories, the beholder perceives, among their inhabitants, three separate and dis- tinct races of men, originally appertaining to three different continents of the globe, each race varying from the others in colour, physical proper- ties, and moral and intellectual endowments. The EuropcM is the most numerous; and, as well from that fact, as from its far greater advance in civilization and in the arts, has the decided as- cendency over the other two, giving the law to them, controlling their condition, and responsible for their fate to the Great Father of all, and to the enlightened world. The next most numerous and intelligent race, is that which sprung from Africa, the largest portion of which is held in bondage by their brethren, descendants of the European. The aborigines, or Indian race, are the least numerous, and, with the exception of some tribes, have but partially emerged from the state of barbarism in which they were found on the first discovery of America. Whence, or how they came hither, are speculations for the research of the curious, on which authentic history afford no certain light. Their future fortunes or condition, form no part of the subject of this address. I shall, I hope, nevertheless, be excused for the digression of dedi- cating a few passing observations to the interest- ing remnant of these primitive possessors of the New World. I have never been able to agree in the expediency of employing any extraordinary exertions to blend the white and copper coloured races together, by the ceremony of marriage.— There would be a motive for it if the Indians were equal or superior to their white brethren in physical or intellectual powers. But the fact is believed to be olherwise. The mixture improves the Indian, but deteriorates the European element. Invariably it is remarked, that those of the mixed blood among the Indians, are their superiors in war, in council, and in the progress of the useful arts, whilst they remain in the rear of the pure white race still farther than they are in advance of the pure Indian. In those instances (chiefly among the French) during the progress of the set- tlement of this continent, in which the settlers have had most intercourse with the Indians, they have rather sunk to the level of their state, than contributed essentially to their civilization. But if there be no adequate recommendation to the while race of an union, by intermarriage, with the Indian, we are enjoined, by every duty of re- ligion, humanity, and magnanimity, to treat them with kindness and justice, and to recall them, if we can, from their savage to a better condition. The United States stand charged with the fate of these poor children of the woods in the face of their common Maker, and in the presence of the world. And, as certain as the guardian is answer- able for the education of his infant ward, and the management of his estate, will they be responsible here and hereafter for the manner in which they shall perform the duties of the high trust which is committed to their hands, by the force of circum- stances. Hitherto, since the United States be- came an independent power among the nations of the earth, they have generally treated the Indians with justice, and performed towards them all the offices of humanity. Their policy, in this respect, was vindicated during the negotiations at Ghent, and the principles which guided them in their re- lations w ith the Indians, were then promulgated to all Christendom. On that occasion, their repre- sentatives holding up their conduct in advanta- geous contrast with that of Great Britain and the other powers of Europe, said : 'From the rigor of this system, however, as practised by Great Bri- tain and all the European powers in America, the humane and liberal policy of the United States has voluntarily relaxed.' A celebrated writer on the laws of nations, to whose authority British jurists have taken particular satisfaction in appealing, alter stating, in the most explicit manner, the legitimacy of colonial settlement in America, to the exclusion of all rights of uncivilized Indian tribes, has taken occasion to praise the first set- tlers of New England, and the founder of Penn- sylvania, in having purchased of the Indians the lands they resolved to cultivate, notwithstanding their being provided with a charter from their sovereign. It is this example which the United States, since they became, by their independence, the sovereigns of the territory, have adopted and organized into apolitical system. Under that sy»- tern, the Indians residing with the United States arc io far independent, that they live under their own custums and not under the laws of the United States; that their rights upon the lands where they inhabit or hunt, are secured to them by boun- daries defined in amicable treaties between the United States and themselves, and whenever those boundaries are varied, it is also by amicable andvoluntary treaties, by which tliey receive from the United States ample compensation lor every right they have to the land ceded by them. They are so far dependent as not to have the right to dispose of their lands to any private person, nor to any power other than the United States, and to be under their protection alone, and not under that of any other power. Whether called subjects, or by whatever name designated, such is the relation between them and the United Stales. That rela- tion is neither asserted now for the first time, ncr did it originate with the treaty of Greenville.— These principles have been uniformly recognized by the Indians themselves, not onlv by that treaty but in all the other previous as well as subsequent treaties between them and the United States.'— Such was the solemn am unciation to the whole world of the principles and of the system regulat- ing our relations with the Indians, as admitted by us and recognized by them. There can be no violation of either, to the disadvantage of the weaker party, which will not sub|ect us, as a na- tion, to the just reproaches of all good men, and which may not bring down upon us the maledic- tions of a more exalted and powerful tribunal. Whether the Indian portion of the inhabitants or the United States Will survive or become ex- tinct, in the progress of population, which the European race is rapidly making from the shores of the Atlantic to those of the Pacific ocean, pro- vided they are treated with justice and humanity, is a problem of less importance. The two races arc not promiscuously mingled together, but are generally separate ami distinct communities.— There is no danger to the whites or to their purity, from the power or from the vices of the Indians. The case is widely different with those wholorm the immediate object of this address. The African part of our population, or their ancestors, were brought hither forcibly and by vio- lence, in the prosecution of the most abominable traffic that ever disgraced the annals of the human race. They were chiefly procured, in their na- tive country, as captives in war, taken, and sub- sequently sold by the conqueror as slaves to the slave-trader. Sometimes the most atrocious prac- tices of kidnapping were employed to obtain pos- session of the victim". Wars were frequent, be- tween numerous and barbarous neighboring tribes scattered along the cast or stretched upon the margin of large rivers of Africa. These wars were often enkindled and prosecuted for no other ob- ject than to obtain a supply of subjects for this most shocking commerce. In these modes, hus- bands were torn from their wives, parents from their children, brethren from each other,and every tie cherished and respected among men, was viola- ted. Upon the arrival, at the African coast, of the unfortunate beings thus reduced to slavery, they were embarked on board of ships carefully con- structed and arranged to contain the greatest amount of human beings. Here they are ironed and fastened in parallel rows, and crowded to- gether so closely, in loathsome holes, as not to have room for action or for breathing wholesome air. The great aim was to transport the largest possible number, at the least possible charge, from their native land to the markets for which they were destined. The greediness of cupidity was frequently disappointed and punished in its pur- poses, by the loss of moilies of whole cargoes of the subjects of this infamous commerce, from want and suffering and disease on the voyage. How much happier were they who thus expired, than their miserable survivors! These African slaves were brought to the con- tinent of America, and the islands adjacent to it, and formed the parent stock of the lace now amongst us. They were brought to the colonies, now constituting the United States, under the sanction and by the authority of BritiMi laws, which, at an early period of our colonial existence, admitted and tolerated the trade. It is due to our colonial ancestors to say, that they frequently and earnestly, but unsuccessfully, remonstrated to the British crown against the continuance of the prac- tice. The introduction of slavery into this coun- try is not, therefore, chargeable to them, but to a government in which they hail no voice, and over which they had no control. It is equally due to our parent State to adveit to the honourable fact, that, in the midst of the Revolutionary war, when contending for her own independence and liberty, she evinced the sincerity of the spirit in which those remonstances had been addressed to the British throne, by denouncing under the severest penalties, the further prosecution of the slave trade, within her jurisdiction. And I add, with great satisfaction, that the Congress of the United States passed an act, abolishing the trade as early as by their constitution it was authorized to do. On the second day of March, 1807, the act was passed, lor which it was my happy lot to vote, the first section of which enacts, '•That from and after the fust day of January, 1808, it shall not be law- ful to import or bring into the United States, or the territories thereof, from any foreign kingdom, place, or country, any negro, mulatlo, or person of colour, with intent to hold, sell or dispose of such negro, mulatto or person of colour, as a slave, or to be held to service or labour.' Thus terminat- ed, we may hope forever, iu the United States, a disgraceful traffic, which drew after it a train of enormities surpassing iu magnitude, darkness and duration, any that ever sprang from any trade pushed by the enterprise or cupidity ol man. The United States, as a nation, are not respon- sible for the original introduction, or the subse- quent continuance of the slave trade. Whenever, as has often happened, their character has been assailed in foreign countries, and by foreign wri- ters, on account of the institution of slavery among us, the justness of that vindication has been ad- mitted by the candid, which transfers to a foreign government the origin of the evil. Nor are the United States, as I sovereign power, responsible for the continuance of slavery within their limits, posterior to the establishment of their Indepen- dence ; because by neither the articles of confe- deration, nor by the present constitution, bad they power to put an end to it by the adoption of any system of emancipation. But from that epoch, the responsibility of the several states in which slavery was tolerated commenced, and on them devolved the momentous duty of considering whether the evil of African slavery is incurable, or admits of a safe and practical remedy. In per- forming it, they ought to reflect, that, if when a given remedy is presented to their acceptance, in- stead of a due examination and deliberate consi- deration of it, they promptly reject it. and manifest an impatience whenever a suggestion is made of any plan to remove the evil, they will expose themselves to the reproarh of yielding to the illu- sions of self-interest, and of insincerity in the pro- fessions which they so often make of a desire to get rid of slavery. Jt is a great misfortune, grow- ing out of the actual condition of the several states, some being exempt, ami others liable to this evil, that they are too prone to misinterpret the views and wishes of each other in respect to it. The North and the South and the West, when they un- derstand each other well must be each convinced, that no other desire is entertained towards the others by any one of them, than for their welfare and prosperity. If the question wen submitted, whether there should be either immediate or gradual emancipation of all the slaves in the Uni- ted States, without their removal or colonization, painful as it is to express the opinion, I have no doubt that it would be unwise to emancipate them. For I believe, that the aggregate of the evils whirl) would be engendered in sociely, upon the supposition of such general emancipation, and ol the liberated slaves remaining promiscuously among ni>, would be greater than all the evils of slavery, great as they unquestionably are. The several States of the Union were sensible of the responsibility which accrued to them, on the establishment ol the independence of the Uni- ted States, in regard to the subject of slavery. And many of them, beginning at a period prior to the termination of the revolutionary war, by suc- cessive but distinct acts ol legislation, have eltec- tively provided for the abolition of slavery, within their respective jurisdictions. More than thirty years ago an attempt was made in this common- wealth to adopt a system of gradual emancipation, similar to that which the illustrious 1'ranklin had mainly contributed to introduce, in the year 1770, in the State founded by the benevolent I'eim.— And, among the acts of my life, which I look back to with most satisfaction, is that of my having co-operated willi other zealous and intelligent friends, to procure the establishment of lhat sys- tem in this state. We believed that the sum of good which would have been attained by the statu of Kentucky, in a gradual emancipation of her slaves, at lhat period, would have far tianscended the aggregate of mischief which might have re- sulted to herself and the Union together, from the gradual liberation of them, and their dispersion and residence in the United Slates. We were over- powered by numbers, but submitted to the deci- sion of the majority with the grace which the minority, in a republic, should tver yield to such a decision. I have, nevertheless, never ceased, and never shall cease, to regret a decision, the effects of which have been to place us in the rear of our neighbours, who are exempt from slavery in the state of agriculture, the progress of manufac- tures, the advance of improvement, and the gene- ral prosperity of society. Other states, in which slavery exists, have not been unmindful of its evils, nor indifferent to an adequate remedy for their removal. But most of them have hitherto reluctantly acquiesced in the continuance of these evils, because they thought they saw no practical scheme for their removal, which was free from insuperable objection and difficulty. Is there then really no such remedy I Must we endure, perpetually, all the undoubted mischiefs of the state of slavery, as it atlects boll) the free and bond portions of the population of these States? Already the slaves may be estima- ted at two millions, and the free population at ten, the Ibrmer being in the proportion of one to five of the latter. Their respective numbers will proba- bly duplicate in periods of thirty-three years. In the year 'ti'i the number of the whites will proba- bly be twenty, and of the blacks four millions : in ninety.six, lorty and eight, and, in the year 1!>29, about a century, eighty and sixteen millions. What mind is sufficiently extensive in its reach, what nerves sufficiently strong, to contemplate this vast and progressive augmentation, without an awful foreboding of the tremendous conse- quences? If the two descriptions of population were equally spread and intermingled over the whole surface of the United States, their diffusion might diminish the danger of their action and cor- rupting influence upon each other. But this is not the state of the fact. The slaves of the Uni- ted States are chiefly restricted to one quarter of the Union, which maybe described with sufficient general accuracy, by a boundary, beginning with the mouth of the Potomac river, extending to its head, thence to the Ohio river, and down it and the Mississippi, to the Gulph of Mexico, and with that and the Atlantic ocean, and the Bay of Chesapeake to the beginning. Maryland, Dela- ware, Missouri, a part of Louisiana and Arkansas, enmpose the whole of the residue of (he slave dis- trict of the United States. Within those limits all our slaves are concentrated ; and within a portion of them, irresistible causes tend inevitably to their further concentration. In one of the states, com- prised within these limits, the slave stock had, at the last census, the superiority in numbers, whilst in several others, the enumeration exhibits the two races in nearly equal proportions. Time alone, which unveils every thing, per- mitted men to see, can disclose the consequences, now wrapt in futurity, of the state of things which 1 have slightly touched. But, without violating his prerogative, we may venture to catch, in anticipation, a glimpse of some of them. The humanity ol the 9lave states of the Union has prompted ttiem greatly to meliorate the condi- tion of slaves. They are protected, in all instances, by just laws, from injur)' extending to their lives, and in many from cruelty applied to their persons. Public opinion has done even more than the laws in elevating their condition in the scale of human existence. In this State, as well as in others, they are treated with much kindness, and abundantly supplied with substantial food of meat and bread and vegetables, and comfortable clothing, whilst they are moderately tasked in labour. But still they are subject to many civil disabilities, and there is a vast space between them and the race of freemen. Our laws continue to regard them as property, and, consequently, as instruments of labour, bound to obey the mandate of others As a mere labourer, the slave feels that he toils for his master and nut for himself; that the laws do not recognize hit capacity to acquire ami hold proper- ty, which depends al'ogethcr upon the pleasure of his proprietor; and thai all the fruits of his exer- tions are reaped by others. He knows that, whe- ther sick or well, in times of scarcity or abun- dance, his master is hound to provide lor him, hy the all-powerful iulluencs of the motives of self- interest. Hi! is generally, therefore, indifferent to the adverse or prosperous fortunes of his master, being contented, it he can escape his displeasure or chastisement, by a careless and slovenly per- formance ol his duties. This is the state of the relation of master and slave, prescribed by the law of its nature, and founded in the reason of things. There are un- doubtedly many exceptions, in which the slave dedicate! himself to his master with a 7."alous and generous devotion, and the master to the slave with a parental and affectionate attachment. But it is not my purpose to speak of those particular though endearing instances of mutual regard, but of the general slate of the unfortunate relation. That labour is best, if it can be commanded, in which the labourer knows that he will derive the profits of his industry; that his employment de- pern's upon his diligence, and his reward upon his assiduity. He has then every motive to excite him to exertion, and to animate him in perse- verance. He knows that if he is treated badly he can exchange his employer for one who will better estimate his service; that he does not en- tirely depend upon another's beck and nod, and that whatever he earns is his, to be distributed by himself, as he pleases, (BOH his wife and chil- dren and friends, or enjoyed by himself. He feels, in a word, that he is a free agent, with rights and privileges and sensibilities. Wherever the option exists to employ, an at iqnal hire, free or slave labour, the former will be decidedly preferred, for the reasons already as- signed. It is more capable, more diligent, more faithful, and, in every respect, worthy of more confidence. In the first settlement of some coun- tries, or communities, capital may be unable to command the free labour which it wants, and it may, therefore, purchase that of slaves. Such was and yet is the condition of many parts of the United States. But there are others, and they are annually increasing in extent, in which the labour of freemen can be commanded at a rate quite as cheap as that of slaves, in states which tolerate slavery. Although in particular states, or parts of states, the increase of the African portion of population would seem to be greater than that of the Euro- pean stock, this fact is believed to be susceptible of an explanation, from the operation of causes of emigration, which would not assign to it greater prolific powers. On the contrary, all the enume- rations of the people of the United states sustain clearly the position, that, contrasting the whole European race throughout the Union with the whole of the African race, bond and free, also throughout the Union the former multiplies faster than the latter. As time elapses our numbers will augment, our deserts become peopled, and our country will become as densely populated as its agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial facul- ties will admit. In proportion to the density of population are the supply and the wages of labour. The demand for labour also increases with the augmentation of numbers though probably not in the same proportion. Assuming our present po- pulation at twelve millions, when it shall be in- creased, as in about thirty years it will be, to twenty-four millions, we shall have double the amount of available labour that we can command at present. And there will consequently be a great, though probably not proportionate, reduc- tion in the wages ollahour, as the supply of la- bourers increases, a competition will arise between, not only individuals, but classes for employment. The superior qualities which have been attributed to free labour will insure lor that the preference, wherever the alternative is presented of engaging free or slave labour, at an equal price. This com- petition, and the preference lor white labour, are believed to be already discernible in parts of Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky, and probably existed in Pennsylvania and other states north of Maryland, prior to the disappearance of slaves from among them. The marcli of the ascendency of free labour over slave, will proceed from the North to the South, gradually entering first the states nearest the free region. Its progress would be more rapid, if it were not impeded by the check resulting from the repugnance of the white man to work among slaves, or where slavery is tolerated. In proportion to the multiplication of the de- scendants of the B^uropean stock, and the conse- quent diminution of the value of slave labour, by the general diminution of wages, will there be an abatement in the force of motives to rear slaves. The master will not find an adequate indemnity in the price of the adult for the charges of main- taining and bringing up the offspring. His care and attention will relax ; and he will be indifferent about incurring expenses when they are sick, and in providing for their general comfort, when he knows that he will not be ultimately compensated. There may not be numerous instances ol positive violation of the duties of humanity, but every one knows the difference between a negligence, which is not criminal, and a watchful vigilance stimu- lated by interest, which allows no want to be un- •applied. The effect of this relaxed attention to the offspring will be to reduce the rates of general increase of the slave portion of our population, whilst that of the other race, not subject to the same neglect, will increase and till up the void. A still greater effect, from the diminution of the value ol labour, will be that of voluntary emanci- pations ; the master being now anxious to relieve inn,self frets a burthen, without profit, by renounc- ing his right of property. One or two facts will illustrate some of these principles. Prior to the annexation of Louisiana to the United States the supply ol slaves from Africa was abundant. The price of adults was generally about #100, a price less than the cost of raising an infant. Then it was believed that the climate of that province was unfavourable to the rearing of negro children, and comparatively feW were railed. After the United States abolished the slave trade, the price of adults rose very considerably, greater attention |