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Maryland State Archives Maryland Colonization Journal Collection MSA SC 4303 msa_sc4303_scm11070-0110 Enlarge and print image (5M) |
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Maryland State Archives Maryland Colonization Journal Collection MSA SC 4303 msa_sc4303_scm11070-0110 Enlarge and print image (5M) |
| 114 MARYLAND COLONIZATION JOURNAL. was consequently bestowed on their children, and nmv no where is the African female more prolific than she is in Louisiana, and the climate of no one of the southern states is supposed to be more fa- vourable to rearing the offspring. The serfs of Russia possess a market value inferior to that of the African slaves of the United States; and, although the lord is not believed to be bound to provide for the support of his dependent, as the American master is for his slave, voluntary manu- missions of the serf are very frequent, influenced in some degree no doubt by his inconsiderable value. What has tended to sustain the price of slaves in the United States has been, that very fact of the acquisition of Louisiana, but especially the increasing demand for cotton, and the consequent increase of its cultivation. The price of cotton, a much more extensive object of culture than sugar cane, regulates the price of slaves as uner- ringly as any one subject whatever is regulated by anv standard. As it rises in price, they rise; as it falls, they fall. But the multiplication of slaves, by natural causes, must soon be much greater than the increase for the demand for them ; to say nothing of the progressive decline which has taken place, in that great southern staple, within a few years, and which there is no reason to believe will be permanently arrested. When- ever the demand for the cultivation of sugar and cotton comes to be fully supplied, the price of slaves will begin to decline, and as that demand cannot possibly keep pace with the supply, the price will decline more and more. Farming agri- culture cannot sustain it; for it is believed that no where in the farming portion of the United States would slave labour be generally employed, if the proprietor were not tempted to rais? slaves by the high price of the southern market, which keeps it up in his own. Partial cases mav retard the decline in the value of slaves. The tendency of slaves is to crowd into those countries or districts, if not ob- structed by the policy of the states, where their labour is most profitably employed. This is the law of their nature, as it is the general law of all capital and labour. The slave trade has not vet been effectively stopped in the Island of Cuba. Whenever it is, as slaves can be there more pro- fitably employed, on more valuable products than in the United States, and as the supply there is much below the demand which will arise out of the susceptibilities of the island for agricultural produce, they will rise in price much higher there than in the United States. If the laws do npt forbid it, vast numbers will be exported to that island. And if they do prohibit it, many will be smuggled in. tempted by the high prices which they will bear. But neither this, nor any other conceivable cause, can for any length of time, check the fall in the value of slaves to which they are inevitably destined. We have seen that, as slaves diminish in price, the motives of the proprietors of them to rear the offspring will abate, that consequent neg- lect in providing for their wants will ensue, and consequent voluntary emancipation will take place. That adult slaves will, in process of time, sink in value even below a hundred dollars each, I have not a doubt. This result may not be brought about by the termination of the first period of their duplication, but that it will come, at some subsequent, and not distant period, I think per- fectly clear. Whenever the price of the adult shall he less than the cost of raising him from in- fancy, what inducement will the proprietor ol the parent have to incur that expense I In such a state of things, it will be in vain that the laws prohibit manumission. No laws can be enforced or will be respected, the effect of which is the ruin of those on whom they operate. In spite of all their penalties the liberation or abandonment of slaves will take place. As the two races progressively multiply and augment the source of supply of labour, its wages will diminish, and the preference already noticed will be given of free to slave labour. But another effect will also arise. There will be not only a competition between the two races for employ- ment, but a struggle, not perceptible perhaps to the superficial observer, for subsistence. In such a struggle the stronger and more powerful race will prevail. And as the law which regulates the state of population in any given community, is derived from the quantity of its subsistence, the further consequence would be an insensihle de- cline in the increase of the weaker race. Pinched by want and neglected by their masters, who would regard them as a burthen, they would be stimu- lated to the commission of crimes, and especially those of a petty description. When we consider the cruelty of the origin of negro slavery, its nature, the character of the free institutions of the whites, and the irresistible pro- gress of public opinion, throughout America as well as in Europe, it is impossible not to antici- pate frequent insurrections among the blacks in the United States. They are rational beings like ourselves, capable of feeling, of reflection and of judging of what naturally belongs to them as a portion of the human race. By the very con- dition of the relation which subsists between us, we are enemies of each other. They know well the wrongs which their ancestors suffered at the hands of our ancestors, and the wrongs which they believe they continue to endure, although they may be unable to avenge them. They are kept in subjection only by the superior intelli- gence and superior power of the predominant race. Their brethren have been liberated in every part of the continent of America, except in the United States and the Brazils. I have just seen an act of the president of the republic of the United Mexican States, dated no longer ago than the 15th of September last, by which tne whole of them in that republic have been eman- cipated. A great effort is now making in Great Britain, which tends to the same ultimate effect, in regard to the negro slaves in the British West Indies. Happily for us no such insurrection can ever be attended with permanent success, as long as our Union endures. It would be speedily sup- pressed by the all-powerful means of the United States; and, it would be the madness of despair in the blacks that should attempt it. But il at- tempted in some parts of the United States, what shocking scenes of carnage, rapine and lawless violence might not be perpetrated before the ar- rival at the theatre of action of a competent force to quell it! And after it was put down, what other scenes of military vigor and bloody execu- tions would not be indispensably necessary to punish the insurgents, and impress their whole race with the influence of a terrible example ! Of ail the descriptions of our population, and of either portion of the African race, the free people of colour are, by far, as a class, the most corrupt, depraved, and abandoned. There are many ho- nourable exceptions among them, and I take plea- sure in bearing testimony to some I know. It is not so much their fault as the consequence of their anomalous condition. Place any men in the like predicament, and similar effects would fol- low. They are not slaves, and yet they are not free. The laws, it is true, proclaim them free ; but prejudices, more powerful than any laws, deny them the privileges of freemen. They oc- cupy a middle station between the free white population and the slaves of the United States, and the tendency of their habits is to corrupt both. They crowd our large cities, where those who will work can best procure suitable employment, and where those who addict themselves to vice can best practise and conceal their crimes. If the vicious habits and propensities of this class were not known to every man of attentive obser- vation, they would be demonstrated by the uner- ring test of the census. According to the last enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States it appeared that the rate of its annual in- crease was only about two and a half per cent, whilst that of the other class was about three. No other adequate cause for this disproportion can be assigned, but that of the improvidence and vices of the class referred to. If previous enu- merations exhibited different results, they were owing chiefly to the accession of numbers which it received by the acquisition of Louisiana, and the events of St. Domingo. But, if the reasoning which I have before employed be correct, this class is destined, by voluntary manumission or abandonment, to increase and ultimately perhaps to be more numerous in the United States, than their brethren in bondage, if there be no provision for their removal to another country. Is there no remedy, I again ask, for the evils of which I have sketched a faint and imperfect pic- ture? Is our posterity doomed to endure forever not only all the ills flowing from the state of slavery, but all which arise from incongruous elements of population, separated from each other bv invincible prejudices, and by natural causes? Whatever may be the character of the remedy proposed, we may confidently pronounce it inade- quate, unless it provides efficaciously for the total and absolute separation, by an extensive space of water or of land, at least, of the white portion of our population from that which is free of the coloured. This brings me to the consideration of the par- ticular scheme of the American Colonization So- ciety, to which this is auxiliary. That scheme does not owe the first conception of its design to any individuals, by whose agency the society was first constituted. Several of them, and especially the late Rev. Mr. Finley, of New Jersey, and Mr. Caldwell, of the District of Columbia, were enti- tled to great praise for their spirited exertions in the formation and organization of the society. But the original conception of such a project is to be traced to a date long anterior to (heir laudable efforts on this subject. However difficult it might have been supposed to be in the execution, i: was an obvious remedy, and the suggestion of it may be referred back to a period as remote as the revo- lutionary war. The state of Virginia, alwavs pre-eminent in works of benevolence, prior to the formation of the American Colonization Society, by two distinct acts of her Legislature, separated by intervals of time of sufficient length to imply full deliberation, expressed her approbation of the plan of colonization. [To be concluded in our next.] placed in the hands of ministers for this object, they have, without consulting the Board of Mana- gers paid them over to the cause of missions or edu- cation under the control of theii own denomination. This way of helping colonization may, in the es- timation of those who adopt it, be very prudent and salutary, but it is totally inefficient so far as the agency of the society is concerned. If we knew in what way to approach the friends of this cause at present, to induce them to lend us their aid in buying or building a vessel to be sent out with the emigrants to the colony the next fall, they may be assured it would be done most gladly. Of the importance, yea, the necessity for the society's owning a vessel to trade regularly between this city and their colony, there is now scarcely the need of another argu- ment. All the intelligent friends of colonization in this state, and north and south of us, have long since arrived at the conviction, that vessels owned and managed by the different societies, are essen- tial to the vigorous and successful prosecution of the cause. Judge Wilkeson, general agent of the American Colonization Society, has purchased a ship on his own responsibility, to be controlled by the executive committee of that society ; and the Colonization Society of Mississippi have pur- chased the brig Mail, which has already completed one voyage to their colony. Can it be doubted that the citizens of our state will furnish the requisite funds to the State Society to accomplish this most desirable result? Permit us then on behalf of the Hoard of Managers ear- nestly to solicit the united assistance of all who feel concerned in the success of the cause. COLONIZATION JOURNAL. WEDNESDAY, MAY 1, 1839. All communication intended for the Maryland Colonization Journal, or on business of the Society, should be addressed to the Rev. Ira, A. Easter, Home Agent, Colonization Rooms, Post Office Building. Colonization Resolutions PASSED BY THE BALT. ANNUAL CONFERENCE. 1. Resolved by the Baltimore Annual Conference in Conference assembled. That we cordially ap- prove of the objects and aims of the American Colonization Society. 2. Resolved, That this conference recommend to the members thereof, the taking up of collec- tions on or about the 4th of July in behalf of this noble enterprise; those in the District of Colum- bia to be forwarded to the American Colonization Societv, and those in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia to the societies in those states. Methodist Episcopal Church favourable to Colonization. The Baltimore Annual Conference of the Me- thodist Episcopal Church held its last session in this city, during which the resolutions copied above from the Christian Advocate ami Journal were adopted with great unanimity. By these resolutions it will be seen that this laige and re- spectable denomination of christians maintain a dignified, consistent and persevering course of policy, in sustaining in their highest judicatories, a friendly and efficient co-operation with the friends of colonization. These resolutions have very properly, we think, assigned to the Coloniza- tion Society of each state, the funds which may be collected by their ministers in their respective fields of labour. Thus, the societies of Virginia and Maryland will receive the funds collected in those states respectively, and the American Colo- nization Society, such collections as may be ob- tained in the District of Columbia. The old adage of ' beggars must not be choosers' admonishes us of the propriety of submitting to the condition in which we are placed by the influence of public sentiment. But there can be no impropriety in wishing that other branches of the christian church were equally friendly to our enterprise, and would adopt the same method of showing it. As a general remark the ministers of other denominations do little or nothing in the way of asking collections of their congregations to aid the society. In some instances where funds hive been voluntarily contributed and (For the Colonization Journal.) 'Has congress a right to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia ?' I now present, Mr. Editor, as I intimated in my last I should do, some observations of Dr. Way- land, on the above much 'vexed question.' 'I grant that the unrestricted legislative control over the District of Columbia, has been ceded to the United States. I giant that Congress has the same power over the District, as the legislatures of the several states have over their own states respectively. They have, therefore, the power to abolish slavery within that District. Nay. I am willing to go farther. I am willing to allow that congress has a right to abolish slavery in the District. By right, I mean that they have the power, and that no legal obstacle exists to the exerrise of that power. But it is always to be remembered, that it is one thing to say that a man has a right to do a par- ticular act. and a different thins to say that it is right and just for him to do that particular act. The right to do the act may be absolute, but the fitness, and propriety and justice of exercising that right, may be conditional. A man has a right to exact the personal labour of his wife, and also of his children dining their minority, that is, h? may do it, ami there is no law to prevent it; nay, in doing it, the law will protect him from interfe- rence. But the justice of his exercising this right is certainly conditional. He may do it justly, if it be necessary for their common support. But, it surely would be an atrocious violation of jus- tice, if he should live in indolence and splendour, and demand that they should thus labour to main- tain him. It is manifest, then, that, granting a right to exist, in the signification above given, the ques- tion still remains, is it a right, fit and proper and just to be exercised! In other words, although we have the right to do it, yet would it be right and just for us to do it ? This is really the point on which it seems to me the whole question hinges. I ask, then, in the first place, what is the object of the act of abolition? Is it ultimate within itself; Is it merely because, as citizens of the United States, we .ire opposed to slavery in any territory over which we exercise jurisdiction? Or, is it for the sake ol something ulterior, that is, for the suke of creating such a state of things in the slave-holding states, that the citizens of those states will he obliged, whether they approve of it or not, to aboli?h slavery ? In so far as this latter is the object. I think it unconstitutional; because, we have, by the spirit of the compact, bound our- selves to leave it to their own free will. That free will, we have no right, either by ourselves or by others, to control; and we have no right to use our power, either of one kind or another, for this purpose. I think, therefore, we have no right to exeicise the power which we possess for the accomplishment of this object. l.ask, in the next place, was the power over the District of Columbia ceded to congress, for this purpose? Did Maryland and Virginia ever anti- cipate, that, without their consent, this use would be made of it? Did the southern states generally, when they became parties to this contract, sup- pose that this power would be claimed and used by congress? I think that all these questions must be answered in the negative. If so, the right has not, in fact, been unconditionally given. It is a thing out of the contract, so far as the animus of both parties was concerned. If it be so, although it may be granted by the teller, it is not granted by the spirit of the instrument, and the right cannot, without the consent of the other party, be justly and honourably exercised. If I make a contract with my neighbour, and by the letter of that contract, obtain a power to do some act, which power he never intended to convey, I cannot, as an honourable man, avail myself of it. To do so, is an act of knavery, and every man of sound principles would so consider it. Now, if it be so, it matters not what may be the purpose, for the sake of which we propose to take an unfair advantage. I have no more right to impose upon my neighbour, when I intend to use the proceeds of my trickery for purposes of benevolence, than when I intend to use them for the purpose of usury. The real question is, is it right for me to interpret the contract in this man- ner? If it be, I may so interpret it, let me do what I will with the gain. If it be not right, I may not so interpret it, let my intention be what it may, in regard to the proceeds. That it would not be right for us thus to inter- pret the contract, 1 think may be clearly shown by the results of an extension of the principle con- tended for. It must be granted, that the power to abolish and the power to establish are the same. Now, congress possesses precisely the same power over navy yards, fortifications, 'arsenals, &c. be- longing to the general government, that it pos- sesses over the District of Columbia. Many of these have been ceded to the United States, by the free states, and are still embosomed within them. Congress has precisely the same right to abolish or to establish slavery in all these, as it has to abolish or to establish it in the District. But would it be a just, fit and proper exercise of this right, were congress to establish slavery in all these little por- tions of territory ? Were such a thing attempted, I ask any candid man, whether we should not, at once, exclaim, that Mil power was necer conferred for this purpose; and that the contract could not be thus interpreted, without overreaching and trickery ? Now, I do not see that any principle is involved in the one case, that is not involved in the other. I say, therefore, that, although the power is conferred by the Idler of the contract, it is not conferied by the spirit; and, therefore, we cannot use it honourably ; that is, we cannot use it at all. But if the right to use this power be contin- gent, it may be asked, when will the contingency arise, in which we can rightfully use it? I answer, it may arise in several ways. First, whenever the southern states agree tn il, it will be proper to use it. Secondly, whenever Maryland and Vir- ginia, or either of them, shall abolish slavery, it will, I think, be perfectly right to use it' These views, I presume, will be very generally satisfactory to the people of the south. I hope their dissemination will tend to restrain agitating movements by the people of the free states, so that we may proceed to improve the condition of our coloured population, as we were doing previous to this unbecoming interference from abroad. I was led to inquire, while perusing the above remarks, 'what would be the result, were peti- tions from every part of the south poured into congress, praying for the establishment of slavery in fort Adams, and the various fortifications and navy yards of the free states.' Might it not hasten the universal conviction, that it is a subject with which congress has nothing to do. One more thought and I have done. Southern members of congress have been thought, even by some of their friends, to be too sensitive on the subject of petitions relative to slavery in the Dis- trict. I have not heretofore thought so. But mv present feelings are that, were I a member of con- gress, I would not object to at least one full and free discussion of the subject. I am confident that the great majority of this nation would he convinced that an attempt at interference by legis- lation, on the part of the free states, is gross im- morality ;?that such attempt to set aside a solemn contract by an individual, would load him with indelible disgrace:?that society could not exist if contracts were not held more sacred. I think all this is proved by the work of Dr. Way [and. The truth is, clear as the noon-day, that the peo- ple of the states where slavery exists, alone have power to legislate on this subject. May the Lord direct all these difficulties to such an issue as will most glorify his own name, and advance the welfare of the human race ! Very truly, yours. G. The Vessel. The president of the society has recently re- ceived a letter from Mr. Kennard, who is engaged collecting funds on the Western Shore for the pur- pose of purchasing a vessel, from which wc make the following extract. ' I write in great haste to say, that we have suc- ceeded in obtaining in this neighbourhood, sub. scriptions towards the building of the Cape Pal- mas packet, amounting to SIX HUNDRED AND THIRTY DOLLARS. At least one hun- dred more may he obtained from persons on whom I have not called, biing from home at the time of my visiting their houses. The above amount together with two hundred dollars pledged in Annapolis, and a subscription of one hun- dred dollars made by Charles Waters, Esq., of Anne Arundel county, make nine hundred and thirty poli.ars, obtained in this (Anne Arundel) county; and I cannot doubt but that we may safely calculate on additional subscrip- tions to the amount of five hundred dollars.' The success which attends Mr. Kennard's effort furnishes convincing evidence that nothing if needed on the part of the citizens of Maryland but to be called on by the society's agents, in regard tn this very important object. The friends of the cause in this city, have, as yet, done but little, but it is not because they are either idle or indifferent. We have made no adequate effort to draw out their resources. Whenever this shall be done, we have convincing proof that the funds can and will be raised. There cannot be less than two thousand dollars already pledged in Baltimore by some six or eight persons, and many others, we know only wait to be invited to co-operate with the Board of Mana- gers. The citizens of this city have already con- tributed to the general cause from twelve to eighteen thousand dollars, since the organi- zation of the State Society, and the feeling is now far more favourable than at any other period of the enterprise. What is to prevent success when the prospect is so encouraging? (From the Maine Weslyan Journal.) Christian Biography. Mr. Editor:?I continue my digression, for the purpose of introducing one of the last letters of the accomplished, the learned Duke of Buck- ingham. It may meet the eye of some young men just entering upon a course of pleasurable sin, and who will be induced to flee from that which he sees can end only in sorrow. The es- tate of Buckingham, says the Earl of Clarendon, was at one time the greatest in England, though he died in abject poverty. A few days before his death, while reviewing a life spent in pleasure and folly, and consequently in sin, he wrote the |